Did War Criminal Donald Trump Start The Covert COVID-19 Fire?

By Jerry Alatalo

Why does Donald Trump find it impossible to say “Fort Detrick”?

erhaps some inspiration is needed as a first step to deal with this most uncomfortable matter. We’ll take it at this moment from popular musical artist Billy Joel, whose smash hit “We Didn’t Start the Fire” unknowingly sums up the unprecedented, current COVID-19 “natural versus covert biological warfare” global predicament.

(Thank you to Billy Joel at YouTube. Maximum volume recommended.)

There is an absolutely huge (and growing) controversy surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic. The controversy – which nobody in the Washington, D.C. establishment nor western corporate media is talking about – is precisely the question as to whether COVID-19 is a naturally-occurring virus or a laboratory made so-called “gain-of-function” creation, or in other words, designed by scientists as a biological weapon.

What is extremely disturbing is the fact that nobody in the Trump administration, the United States Congress, nor the corporate media are talking about the July 2019 closure by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control of the 1,000,000 square foot bio-defense laboratory, for safety concerns, at Fort Detrick, Maryland in July 2019. The proverbial $64,000 has become: Why does it seem impossible for any of these establishment figures to say the word “Fort”, immediately followed by the word “Detrick”?

Let’s say the shutdown was due to an accidental release of a deadly virus. At that point, if the leaders in America were straight shooters and loyal to truth, there would have been an immediate notification conveyed to the American people, with honest and strict instructions for limiting and preventing the out-of-control spread of the bio-weapon’s deadly health consequences. Given the mysterious (total) silence coming from the Washington power center institutions regarding the Fort Detrick shutdown, what can observant people conclude but that the COVID-19 originated in Maryland, U.S.A. in the summer of 2019?

It’s a fair question.

Let’s again assume COVID-19 was an accidental release from Fort Detrick. Is it possible the worst-feared event had occurred: a deadly “gain-of-function” virus had slipped out of containment and into the environment? What explains the odd spike in flu cases close to Fort Detrick in elderly care facilities around the time of Fort Detrick’s closure? What accounts for the “Mystery Vaping Illness”, which just so happens to display the precise same symptoms as COVID-19, and which began manifesting in the summer of 2019, after the shutdown of Fort Detrick?

These are, once again, completely rational and fair questions.

Speaking of pertinent questions … Is it possible the Trump administration decided against alerting the American people in the Maryland region of the virus’ escape from Fort Detrick, – but instead weighed and considered their options and decided on a cover-up, while opting to “hit” China, Iran, Italy and potentially elsewhere with covert bio-warfare in order to throw people off the tracks with respect to COVID-19’s true origin?

Again … most thoughtful people would perceive that as a clearly fair question.

Those stubborn pertinent questions raise their ugly head again when asking about the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee’s “behind closed doors, secret” meeting with COVID-19 czar Anthony Fauci, which eventually resulted in a (quickly buried and forgotten) scandal involving members of the U.S. Senate and U.S. House of Representatives (of BOTH parties) initiating stock market transactions based on their dismal COVID-19 inside information – at the same time traitorously keeping maximally important life-and-death information withheld from their employers: the American people.

How did this immense scandal so, so quickly vanish down the “memory hole”?

Perhaps such pertinent questions are perceived as a “nuisance” to some people, however: Where are the Congressional investigations to resolve the obvious questions and significantly growing controversy surrounding the COVID-19 phenomenon – concerning whether it’s naturally-occurring or a man-made biological weapon? Some people are old enough and/or informed enough to have an awareness of the very serious U.S. Senate Church Committee Hearings in the 1970s on the C.I.A.’s nefarious and most-often criminal activities.

It seems clear beyond doubt another Washington, D.C. investigation based on the Church Committee Hearings model has become necessary to obtain the true facts on the monumentally consequential, unprecedented and historic COVID-19 global pandemic. The absence of an investigation is absolutely unacceptable.

Why?…

Because if COVID-19 was released on an unsuspecting and innocent humanity as part of a sophisticated covert biological warfare operation, then the criminals who are responsible must become identified and prosecuted to the fullest extent of existing law. If it becomes proven such is the case, our suggestion is hanging the covert war criminals by the throat until dead on a worldwide public live-streamed broadcast.

After all, COVID-19 is one of the mild (yet deadly) forms of biological weapon on the shelf, leaving any potential war criminals access to an even more deadly array of weapons to utilize in future strikes. This state of affairs must be taken on as a matter of utmost, immeasurable gravity and consequence.

Heaven help us all… One final summarizing word of advice: Investigate. Peace.

(Thank you to John Hankey at YouTube)

Memorial Day Message: Dwight And Mark’s Excellent Adventure.

by Jerry Alatalo

“The great artist is the simplifier.”

 – HENRI FREDERIC AMIEL (1821-1861) Swiss philosopher

hile at first glance people might see no relationship between United States President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s 1961 Farewell Address and Mark Knopfler’s performance of “Brothers In Arms”, one might suggest the two men from different generations deliver powerful, profound, unforgettable peace messages which are precisely one and the same.

Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Farewell Address

My fellow Americans:

Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as in traditional and solemn ceremony the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.

This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.

My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.

In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

II.

We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America’s leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

III.

Throughout America’s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.

Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology — global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle — with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.

Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research — these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs — balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage — balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.

The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.

IV.

A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.

Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence — economic, political, even spiritual — is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.

We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.

In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.

The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific technological elite.

It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system — ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

V.

Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we — you and I, and our government — must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

VI.

Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.

Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.

Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war — as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years — I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.

VII.

So — in this my last good night to you as your President — I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

You and I — my fellow citizens — need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation’s great goals.

To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America’s prayerful and continuing aspiration:

We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the Earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.

*

One might suggest musician Mark Knopfler confirms Dwight Eisenhower’s political sentiments from the perspective of the artist, providing a contrasting yet mirror-like portrait of two nearly identical, constantly evolving, sincere human worldviews. One might further suggest Mr. Knopfler, whether he knows it or not, has a legitimate claim to being the creator of the ideal Memorial Day anthem, and arguably the most powerful musical statement for peace ever experienced.

Brothers In Arms

(1)

These mist covered mountains

Are home now for me

But my home is the lowlands

And always will be

Someday you’ll return to

Your valleys and your farms

And you’ll no longer burn

To be brothers in arms

(2)

Through these fields of destruction

Baptisms of fire

I’ve witnessed your suffering

As the battle raged higher

And though they hurt me so bad

In the fear and alarm

You did not desert me

My brothers in arms

(Bridge)

There’s so many different worlds

So many different suns

We have just one world

But we live in different ones

(3)

Now the sun’s gone to hell

And the moon’s riding high

Let me bid you farewell

Every man has to die

But it’s written in the starlight

And every line in your palm

We’re fools to make war

On our brothers in arms

***

(Thank you to Mark Knopfler at YouTube)